Thinking you can “build” your own Rogan Experience It is a fundamental misunderstanding of the power of alternative media.
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The weeks immediately following an election loss, especially to the Democratic Party, tend to be a tumultuous season of post-mortems and finger-pointing. Prescriptions abound.: The party should have moved further to the left; the party should have moved further to the right; Joe Biden should not have resigned; Bernie would win. Among the clash of quick conclusions is the insight liberals need. “build your own Joe Rogan” referring to the large shadow the podcaster cast in the final days leading up to the election. Trump appeared on the show on October 26, followed by J.D. Vance on October 31, and finally their billionaire surrogate Elon Musk signed the agreement securing Rogan’s endorsement on November 4, which was later posted on social media just before Election Day.

We can’t be sure to what extent Rogan’s endorsement helped tip the race toward a second Trump presidency, but it capped what appears to be a successful execution of Trump’s campaign strategy. Full court pressure on the field called “Manosphere” — loose constellation of influencers like ShowyAndrew Schulz, comedian Theo Von, and techno-bro Lex Fridman have developed a constituency that is heavily associated with, but not exclusive to, what you might collectively call “disaffected young men.” Rogan was it piece of resistance of this push and the biggest possible gain: The Joe Rogan Experience It still appears to be the most listened to show in the podcast business by a wide margin, but especially popular among men.

In the face of this, the impulse for liberals to replicate the juice by developing their own Rogan equivalents is understandable but ultimately myopic. This idea is little more than a fantasy wish cast driven by a top-down desire to inorganically birth something that can only exist organically. An attempt to move away from the more pragmatic but a far less encouraging move: directly addressing the constituency represented by Rogan’s audience and the scattered personalities and platforms in Rogan’s orbit.

There’s a fundamental difference between the so-called “Manoverse” and the equally growing ecosystem of openly right-wing podcasts exemplified by, say, Ben Shapiro. Daily Wire operation, Newer conservative talking heads like Dan Bongino, far-right figures like Charlie Kirk, and the ongoing afterlives of Megyn Kelly and Tucker Carlson. The latter are essentially extensions of existing political foundations that serve as platforms for organizing and ideological reinforcement; They do not expand the tents enough to protect the existing tents. The liberals and the left already have largely equivalents in this area: centre-left alternatives such as Çarşık Medya, Hasan Piker and others. Chapo Trap House For those further down the spectrum, though they don’t quite reach the financial and audience base of their right-wing rivals.

By contrast, what Rogan and the Manosphere represent is a purely cultural space that is often politically malleable, both by design and structure. Someone like Theo Von, say, has beliefs, but they are not prominent, and in any case they cannot be easily reduced to a fully defined ideological profile. Rogan has developed a following, first and foremost, as a comedian, mixed martial arts personality, and a man genuinely interested in galaxy brain ideas, outlandish conspiracy theories, and his own beliefs about the world, some of which are harmful. His arrival as a political influencer was as much incidental as it was consequential: over the years he attracted the attention of right-leaning politicians whenever he expressed his distaste for the liberal values ​​they now successfully exploit. But it’s still difficult to fit Rogan into any political framework. Four years ago, he supported Bernie Sanders while expressing doubts about the Covid vaccine. He seems to believe in human-caused climate change; He makes fun of trans people. Even though he supports Trump, it’s still not quite accurate to say that he naturally “belongs” to either camp.

The same goes for Rogan’s audience. According to Edison Research studythe show’s audience is pretty evenly comprised of Democrats, Republicans, and people who identify as independents or “something else” (27 percent, 32 percent, and 35 percent, respectively). Because of this mellowness, his show and others like it have a natural capacity to attract listeners who do not yet identify as political. That’s the opportunity: These constituencies are still open to being shaped by ideological entrepreneurs, but their engagement in these spectacles serves as signals about what different segments of the American electorate are thinking and feeling. Democrats have historically been reluctant to participate in demonstrations like Rogan’s; because there was concern that these programs might be perceived by its supporters as indirectly supporting the host’s more controversial views. In retrospect, this was a self-limiting condition; It was a state that automatically eliminated any distinction between interacting with the interlocutor and surrendering to him. It is now clear that it is vital for liberals to simply grapple with these areas, not only to establish a presence but also to understand how one can begin to address particular concerns and arguments—no matter how contrary to their beliefs. . Of course, there’s an inherent imbalance here: While Trump and his fellow Republicans may endorse Rogan’s more harmful views, like his transphobia and penchant for conspiracy theories, liberals must shoulder the burden of neutralizing and challenging those views while trying to overcome them. speech. But that’s the job.

This advice doesn’t just apply to Rogan and the Manosphere, as they aren’t necessarily a stand-alone phenomenon in the podcast universe. Rogan may be operating on his own scale, but there are a growing number of other podcasts, YouTube shows, and online venues with a growing, naturally occurring constituency whose political identities remain fluid. To some extent, Harris’ campaign has sparked a backlash along these lines with the candidate’s emergence online. Call His Fatherrepresenting interests and concerns young, left-leaning women nationwide and All the SmokeIt’s an NBA nostalgia capsule that the Harris campaign is using to reach Black men. The problem was it’s too little too lateand Harris never figured out how to engage as a candidate sufficient. There was little attendance, and the shows he attended felt more like support for the community than a sales roadshow. Say what you will about Trump, but the man knew how to work an audience. Liberals shouldn’t consider “creating their own Joe Rogan.” They need to engage effectively with the Rogans and the growing alternative class that already exists.