In the heart of Jerusalem’s “Munition Hill” stands a blue gate marked by a sign that reads “UNRWA West Bank Field Office” in bold letters. This area was crucial as Israel won a decisive battle against the Jordanian army in 1967, ultimately gaining control of the Old City of Jerusalem and the West Bank.

Following this victory, Israel signed an agreement with UNRWA allowing the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees to continue its activities in the occupied territories and committed to supporting Israel’s work. But as of Monday evening, the validity of this agreement is at risk until new legislation is passed by the Knesset.

In a sweeping move on the first day after the summer recess, the Israeli parliament approved two potentially transformative bills by wide margins. These laws not only prohibit UNRWA from operating on Israeli territory, but also prohibit Israeli officials from interacting with the organization. The measures are planned to come into force within three months.

Even UNRWA doesn’t know what will happen next

Jonathan Fowler points to a plain, unadorned meeting room. Behind him, on the wall is the UNRWA logo, for which Fowler, a bald, bearded British citizen, serves as press secretary. A day after the political shockwave in the Knesset, the building’s corridors are quiet. Journalists appear to outnumber staff in the field. UNRWA workers in the West Bank have not set foot there in over a year; Israel has denied them entry since October 7, 2023.

It’s a tiring day for Fowler. His schedule is quite busy, leaving him little time to explain, argue, reassure and intermittently check his phone. The looming question in all this dealing is: What happens now? Even he cannot give a definitive answer. “We could lose this building,” Fowler says. But he emphasizes that this is beside the point. What really matters are the people who depend on the organization, namely the Palestinian refugees. Their needs in Gaza right now are particularly urgent.

UNRWA officially supports 5.9 million Palestinian refugees in Israeli-occupied territories and neighboring Syria, Lebanon and Jordan. Under the authority of the organization, refugee status is inherited; This means that the children and grandchildren of the 700,000 Palestinians displaced after Israel’s founding in 1948 continue to benefit from UN aid.

UNRWA’s largest presence is in Gaza

Fowler explains that much remains unclear because the details of the law’s implementation are still unclear. However, if Israeli officials are prohibited from contacting UNRWA, the humanitarian consequences in Gaza could be severe. For example, Fowler says that the organization will lose the ability to coordinate aid distribution with the Israeli army or receive supplies from Ashdod port, and states that visa denial or customs blockade for UNRWA personnel may also hinder the flow of aid.

UNRWA is distributing essential supplies in the Gaza Strip together with other UN agencies such as the World Health Organization and the World Food Programme, as well as private organisations. But as Fowler points out, UNRWA is the primary organization involved in providing humanitarian assistance to people. “No other part of the UN system has a network like the one we have in the Gaza Strip,” he notes.

“We still have about 5,000 staff able to operate,” he says. By contrast, other UN agencies estimate they maintain only about 250 personnel in the Gaza Strip, although these figures cannot be independently verified. Before the war, UNRWA employed approximately 12,000 people in the coastal region.

Crisis deepens in the West Bank

UNRWA also operates schools, health clinics and public infrastructure in 19 refugee camps in the Israeli-occupied West Bank. Over the decades, these camps evolved from tent cities into permanent neighborhoods with permanent housing structures.

If Knesset law is strictly enforced, it could have far-reaching effects on public services in the West Bank, which is already reeling from economic instability. UNRWA staff may be restricted from access to checkpoints and hospitals may be cut off from essential medical supplies.

Israel announced plans to find a replacement for UNRWA within three months. If UNRWA disbands, Israel, as the occupying power, will assume sole responsibility for meeting the needs of the civilian population in accordance with international law.

An alternative to UNRWA has not yet been found

On Monday, a key proponent of the UNRWA legislation said other organizations would assume the agency’s roles during the three-month transition period and beyond. Israel’s Organization for the Coordination of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT) is reportedly preparing plans, but details remain secret.

Eitan Dangot, former head of COGAT from 2009 to 2013, voiced his support for the law in an interview with reporters on Monday, citing alleged ties between UNRWA staff and militant activities. According to Dangot, there were already reports during his tenure that youths were conducting military exercises at UNRWA’s summer camps.

Dangot admits that there is no clear plan in case UNRWA’s operations in the Gaza strip are stopped. «Israel is behind schedule when it comes to a new administration for Gaza.» He argues that a new order in Gaza without UNRWA or Hamas can only be possible with the involvement of the Palestinian Authority (PA). The Palestinian Authority assumes responsibility for education and healthcare, including in the West Bank, while other UN agencies must manage aid.

However, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government opposes the Palestinian Authority’s intervention, fearing it could pave the way for a Palestinian state; This is a scenario he tries to avoid. As the three-month deadline approaches, the absence of a viable UNRWA alternative risks worsening suffering in the Gaza Strip and plunging the West Bank into further turmoil.

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